For an assessment and contrast of nonsouthern lynching and lynching that is southern see Pfeifer, ed., Lynching beyond Dixie.

For an assessment and contrast of nonsouthern lynching and lynching that is southern see Pfeifer, ed., Lynching beyond Dixie.

For the view that the western had not been specially violent, see Robert R. Dykstra, The Cattle Towns (nyc, 1968).

For a characterization of this debate decades that are several, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but using the assertion that frontier mayhem ended up being overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (nyc, 1978). When it comes to argument that the frontier had been violent, however in certain means, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence regarding the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide prices in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice into the United states West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For an interpretation regarding the reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at broader habits and particularity that is regional see Randolph Roth, American Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of a Lynching heritage; Gonzales-Day, Lynching within the western. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the global World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (summer time 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in Free Kansas’: Racist Violence, Ebony and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, additionally the ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, additionally the Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal for the Central Plains, 33 (summer time 2010), 94–115. On mob physical violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas, see Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998) on a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci. For a full example of mob violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: a tale of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). On vigilantism in Montana in the 1860s, see Frederick Allen, a great Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004). For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and lynchings that are northeastern see “Appendix: Lynchings into the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. For a recently available assessment of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck, The Lost area: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013). Feimster, Southern Horrors. For the interpretation of females and kids in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to create This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and heritage into the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 21–53.

On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama as well as other southern states, see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching and also the Privileges of Race into the United states South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of a Lynching heritage, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Undoubtedly just Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, exactly just What Reconstruction Meant: Historical Memory within the US Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great markings on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 81–87. For a present interpretation of racial physical physical violence when you look at the Reconstruction Southern, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, plus the United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Harsh Justice, 32–46. For information documenting 56 mob executions of servant and free americans that are african the antebellum Southern, see “Lynchings of African Us citizens into the Southern, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For a artificial remedy for lynching in US history which includes discussion of this colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the us (Lanham, 2011).

Nationwide Association for the development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in the us. On methodological difficulties with lynching data, specially when it comes to areas away from Southern, as well as on approaches for compiling a nationwide inventory, see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging up to a national Lynching Database: current Developments, ” Historical techniques, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological issues mixed up in quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence into the Postbellum Southern, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I actually do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant since they are, may outweigh some great benefits of counting lynchings that are american.

On British and Irish influences on American lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical violence in a international context, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. Regarding the Norwegian community’s collective murder of the Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating their household in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. When it comes to argument that involvement in lynching physical violence against African Us citizens had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). live sex chat On lynching as well as other kinds of collective physical physical physical violence in structural terms across international countries, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective physical physical physical Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from a global Perspective (ny, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.

For the argument that U.S. Lynching when you look at the long century that is nineteenth respected lynching violence in modern Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as an essential episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 88–91. This isn’t to reject or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical violence among these cultures that are respective. For contrasting interpretations of current Latin American linchamientos, see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, ” Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: methods for Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in present years over the diverse parts of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the Law into Their Own Hands: Lawless Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).

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I will be grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, and a reviewer that is anonymous their commentary on a youthful form of this essay.